Notes to Chapter 6

1. "Fals" often referred to counterfeit money in Chaucer's day; see MED, F:390, br. 5(a). That "fals" or "contrefete" was used of persons and their behavior is amply demonstrated by another of Chaucer's texts, which also, happily, confirms the reciprocity between the two words. In LGW 4, "The Legend of Hypsipyle and Medea," Chaucer complains of Jason: " . . with thy contrefeted peyne and wo. / There othere falsen oon, thow falsest two!" (lines 1376-77)--Jason "betrays" the two not by falsifying them, of course, but by being himself "fals" or "contrefete," as is Criseyde, eventually, too. Since, moreover, the two words are reciprocal, Chaucer is free to use "fals" in Troilus and Criseyde, and not "contrefete," thus to insist on the connection with Inferno 30, which invariably uses "falso," "falsificando," "falsasti," etc. (see, e.g., Inf.30.41, 73, 115).

In further confirmation of Chaucer's strategy in suggesting that Criseyde is a "fals" coin is the evidence in contemporary Latin sermon materials of the analogy between the human soul and a coin. For example, in the "Distinctiones" of William de Montibus (thirteenth century) the compiler lists eight properties of a coin, then argues that "ita etiam haec in iusto quolibet esse debent" ("thus these should also be in any just entity whatsoever") and proceeds thence to enumerate the application of these properties to the human soul. For example, a coin should possess "integritas," and "de tertio, ait Apostolus: Sit integer spiritus vester in vobis" (1 Thess. 5.23) ("concerning the third, the Apostle says: Let your spirit be whole within you"; MS Oxford Bodleian 419, fol. 21v). While the entire entry is too long to transcribe here, this example does suggest, I think, the kinds of associations and responses Chaucer could have assumed in his audiences familiar with Latin and/or vernacular sermons. Very similar evidence leading to the same conclusion is found in the "Distinctiones" of Odo of Chateauroux (d. 1273) -- for example, in MS Troyes Bibliothèque Municipale 1089, fols. 126v-127r, 127v-128r.

2. Chaucer would have known this aspect of Juno from Macrobius (fl. ca. 400) The Saturnalia 1.12.30 (trans. Davies 1969:89), or from John Balbus (d. 1296) Catholicon (1460; reprint, 1971), s.v. "moneta."

3. See, e.g., 4 158-60; also 59, 146, 347 var., 485, 487, 559, 665, 878. I rely for my statistics here and elsewhere in Parts Two and Three on the Tatlock-Kennedy Concordance (1927; reprint, 1963). Other words and im- {257/258} ages which support the suggestions in "exchaunge" are "bought" (4.290-91; 5.965) and "purchase" (4.557; see chap. 9 n. 27 below for a discussion of this passage). More support derives from the lore that Troy shall fall for failure to pay a debt: "`Bycause /Lameadoun/ nolde payen hem /Phebus and Neptunus/ here hire, / The town of Troie shal ben set on fire'" (4.124-26). Calkas recalls this point of lore in his plea with the Greeks for the exchange of Antenor for Criseyde; Chaucer positions the lore, then, where it will necessarily converge with other economic images. On the basis of this lore and the exchange of Criseyde, Troy, we might say, is bad at business. Bad faith in the one case and bad judgment in the other (Antenor proves a traitor, we remember) precipitates the downfall of Troy. If we would generalize from the evidence, we might suggest that it imputes to Troy a certain failure to understand and appreciate the nature and importance of exchange in human life -- a certain failure to value the community which makes value and values possible.

4. It may be of crucial importance here that "Criseyde" means "daughter of gold"; see Taylor 1980:296 n. 20. Although Chaucer may not have known this item of Greek, his coinage imagery and his allusions to Dante make the hypothesis that he did very attractive.

5. See especially Donaldson, "Criseide and Her Narrator" 1972:65-83.