Journal of Undergraduate Research
Volume 7, Issue 4 - March/April 2006

Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain

Charles Wharton

ABSTRACT

Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain, presents an analysis of the immigration policy of the Spanish government during the years 1999-2005 and a case study describing the lives of some Latin American immigrants living in the city of Seville, the capital city of the region of Andalusia in southern Spain . The study draws on government data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (the official Spanish National Institute of Statistics, hereinafter INE) to outline the dimensions of the demographic changes in Spain. Ten interviews with people from Spanish-American countries who immigrated to Seville address various aspects of the lives of the persons affected directly by the successive government policies related to immigration: factors leading to emigration from their countries of origin, reasons for choosing Seville as their destination to live and work, and finally, the adaptation process, both cultural and economic. Articles from the Diario de Sevilla (Diary of Seville) and academic journals help to draw a fuller picture of this migratory phenomenon. The sheer number of people affected illustrates the importance of this issue: while under 20,000 individuals immigrated from Latin American countries in the year 1995, the figure skyrocketed to over 170,000 in 2004. Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain investigates this trend on a statistical and personal level.

BACKGROUND: SPANISH DEMOGRAPHICS AND GOVERNMENT POLICY

In 2004, the INE estimated the nation’s population to be 43,197,684. As is the case in much of the rest of Europe, and to a lesser degree the United States, that population is aging rapidly. Table 1 shows that in 1978, the birth rate in Spain was 17.23, while the death rate was much less, at 8.03, for a natural increase per 1,000 inhabitants of approximately 9.2.1 In 1988, the death rate remained relatively constant at 8.25, but the birth rate was nearly halved, to 10.82, dropping the net natural increasing rate to 2.57. By 1998, the birth and death rates were almost equal, with the former being 9.19 and the latter 9.08. The natural increase per 1,000 inhabitants stood at only .12.2

Table 1
Spanish Population Natural Increase Rate
(per 1000 inhabitants)
Year Rate
1975 10.40
1976 10.48
1977 9.90
1978 9.20
1979 8.33
1980 7.51
1981 6.35
1982 6.04
1983 4.79
1984 5.54
1985 3.74
1986 3.33
1987 3.02
1988 2.57
1989 2.16
1990 1.76
1991 1.50
1992 1.67
1993 1.18
1994 0.81
1995 0.44
1996 0.28
1997 0.49
1998 0.12
1999 0.23
2000 0.92
2001 1.14
2002 1.22
2003 Projected 1.34
2004 Projected 1.93


The aging of the Spanish population has been a vital factor influencing the country’s immigration policy. Until 1999, the only significant legislation relating to immigrants’ status in Spain was the restrictive 1985 Ley de Extranjería, known in English as the Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain. According to an article by Nieves Ortega Pérez, the law’s “focus on control of immigrant access to the labor market hindered family reunification and proved to be an obstacle to stable residency of the foreign-born population. New policies required that migrants seek work visas and residency permits only after any job offer and, further, made it exceedingly difficult to renew required permits. As a result, many immigrants ended up in an illegal status. In addition, the 1985 law called for employer sanctions that were weakly enforced.” Enabling immigrants to receive visas and stabilize their residency only after finding employment placed them at the mercy of employers who could exploit their lack of documentation. In combination with the “weakly enforced” employer sanctions, the law essentially enabled and empowered employers wishing to take advantage of illegal immigrants’ labor. Companies were able to utilize the false pretenses of producing and authorizing the necessary government papers for legalization in order to demand more hours or pay less under poorer working conditions than legally allowable. Companies might do so, assuming that the immigrants would be unlikely to appeal for government intervention for fear of deportation. This situation of an insufficient number of immigrants in high demand working under often difficult conditions continued throughout much of the 1990s.

Finally, beginning in 1998-99 and continuing through the start of the new millennium, several major immigration reforms were passed. They addressed the needs of the Spanish employers, government, and people, to a certain extent. First, the Ley orgánica sobre los derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en España y su Integración Social (Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain and their Social Integration), commonly called Ley 4/2000, went into effect in January, 2000, after having been supported by the left wing of Spanish Parliament since 1998 (Ortega Pérez). This law allowed for greater assimilation of immigrants and granted the individuals greater personal rights. However, the leading conservative party in Spain, the Partido Popular (Popular Party), opposed the measure as too open. The ensuing conservative reform of Ley 4/2000, spearheaded by Popular Party Prime Minister José María Aznar López, focused on curtailing and strenuously monitoring possible irregular immigration. It was known as Ley 8/2000 and replaced the previous law in the middle of 2001. One of its most important components was the negotiation of treaties between countries of emigration and Spain to better organize legal immigration and curtail unregulated travel (Ortega Pérez). Some of the law’s measures were not popular, however, and others were decried by many Spaniards as draconian. Social activist groups and labor unions led hunger strikes and street protests. An American news article from January 24, 2001 noted that the law “denies immigrants the right to demonstrate, belong to a trade union or strike and also allows authorities to expel those without correct papers within 48 to 72 hours” ("Immigration Crackdown"). The extra-strict reforms were adjusted and reduced in 2004 and early 2005 as a newly-elected liberal Spanish government, headed by the Socialist Party (PSOE) and Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, attempted to unify immigration policy and provide a measure of legality for the thousands of illegal immigrants already in the country. Under the somewhat conflicting policies of the preceding five years, many immigrants residing in Spain advanced part of the way to full citizenship but then failed to fulfill all requirements or were unable to complete all aspects of the process necessary for legal status. The Socialist Party intended to regularize the status of up to 800,000 undocumented immigrants. Party representative Rafael Estrella announced: “We have a number of illegal immigrants in Spain who are not contributing to the system, to the social system, with their taxes and who have been working here on an irregular basis where they are exposed to the mafias (illegal gangs)” ("Spain Launches"). The goals of increasing tax revenue from a previously untapped labor market and providing legal protection to workers coincided in the passage of the amnesty law, under which, “Applicants who can prove they arrived before last August, have a job contract and no criminal record, have three months to sign up as taxpayers” ("Spain launches"). Zapatero’s program allowed immigrants to legalize their status until May 2005.

In spite of the inconsistencies of immigration policies enacted since 1999, these policies, along with other actions taken by the Spanish government, have had a discernible effect on the Spanish population. A provisional estimate for 2004 (TABLE 1) shows the net increase of the population per 1,000 inhabitants to be 1.93, over sixteen times as large as the rate during its 1998 trough of 0.12. The relationship between the official government policy, the city of Seville, and immigrants from Spanish-American countries is explained in the following section.

SPECIFIC DATA: CITY OF SEVILLE

APPENDIX A shows the national origin of immigrants to Spain since 1995, with data on Spanish-American nations highlighted. Immigration from Argentina grew from only 610 in 1995 to an apex of 40,628 in 2002. Only 189 immigrants came from Ecuador in 1995,; then the figure grew to 91,120 in 2000 and 82,571 in 2001. Subjects from these two nations account for six of the interview subjects in this study; the remaining four are from Colombia and Venezuela. Colombia was the country of origin of only 487 Spanish immigrants in 1995, and the number skyrocketed to 71,014 in 2001. The number of immigrants from Venezuela was 236 in 1995 and then grew to 10,401 in 2003. While the Americas received numerous Spanish immigrants from the Iberian Peninsula during the past five centuries, the migration pattern has reversed in dramatic fashion since the changes in Spanish government policy.

APPENDIX B shows patterns of immigrant settlement in Spain by autonomous community, which is similar to an American state. Seville is the largest city in the southern autonomous region of Andalusia, an area that has experienced an explosion of immigration. This region received approximately 90,000 immigrants in 2004, and over 50,000 in each of the two preceding years. For an area with just over seven and a half million inhabitants, that influx is significant and influential. The immigrants’ presence will continue to be felt strongly, because one of every ten births in Andalusia over the past year was to an immigrant mother, and such children can legalize their status following two continuous years of living in Spain (De la Hera, Campos).

The vast majority of immigrants to Andalusia settled in coastal areas. The city of Seville, approximately an hour’s ride from the coast, received 7,690 immigrants in 2004, amounting to just over 1% of the city’s population, 700,000. Of the immigrants to Seville, 3,136, or nearly half, came from Spanish-American nations. Specific data from the year 2004 for the countries of origin of this study’s interview subjects are as follows: 256 immigrants traveled from Argentina, 320 from Colombia, 379 from Ecuador, and 295 from Venezuela. 3

INTERVIEWS

To evaluate the situation of these Latin American immigrants to Seville, it is useful to examine their day-to-day lives. To assess the adaptation experience, during the months of May and June 2005 I interviewed ten immigrants from various Spanish American countries. Two were from Argentina, one from Colombia, four from Ecuador, and three from Venezuela. Each of their stories provides a unique perspective on the phenomenon. The names of the subjects have been changed to maintain their privacy. The survey instrument in Spanish and English is provided in APPENDIX C and APPENDIX D, respectively.

  1. José Fernandez de Jesús (single, approximately thirty years old) from Córdoba, Argentina, arrived in Spain in 2002. He came to work in Seville because he was unable to obtain a United States visa, and he had a friend living in Seville. His main goals in emigrating from Argentina to Spain were to earn more money and to find job security. He considers himself lucky in that he was able to find a steady job that he has maintained since arrival, working as a cook. In Argentina he had worked in a factory. He was slightly bothered by the jokes of friends and even occasional comments from strangers regarding his dark complexion, but had no major complaints about the city or the people.
  2. María de las Casas (single, approximately twenty-five years old), also from Córdoba, Argentina, arrived in Spain in 2003. She came to the country and city specifically “por amor” (for love). When asked if economics or any other reason played a role, she simply responded no. Her boyfriend lived in Seville, but the two were separated at the time of the interview. She planned on remaining in the city if the pair stayed together, and, if not, she would return to Argentina. Overall, she loved Seville, even though she experienced difficulty in finding work during her first year due to her undocumented status. She did eventually find employment in a gymnasium. She described the people as nice, but having a slightly closed mindset and not a “mentalidad del mundo” (world mentality).
  3. Evita Elena Alonso (married, two children ages 23 and 31, approximately fifty-five years old) moved from Colombia to Spain in 2000 with the help of the Colombian and Spanish Red Cross societies. She had worked to promote literacy and positive activity among youths in Colombia. However, a struggle between the official Colombian government and rebel groups who controlled the underprivileged areas in which she often worked drove her to flee the country. Mrs. Alonso attempted to aid all children, regardless of the political or military affiliations of their parents, and this attracted negative attention from the government. Government pressure forced her family to change houses four times in an attempt to remain within Colombia. Even that did not prove enough to guarantee her family’s safety, and they were driven to leave the nation. Her husband was forced to leave behind a successful business in South America, and while he eventually achieved success working in electrical engineering and then owning a store in Spain, it was difficult. Mrs. Alonso did not ask for sympathy for herself or her family, merely to be accepted for what she did on her own in Spain. She founded a non-governmental organization in Seville to aid the people of her homeland, “Colombians without Borders,” and while she hopes to potentially return there later in life, she declared her love for Spain and her appreciation for how the country welcomed her in a time of need.
  4. Juan Alcalde (single, approximately thirty years old) traveled from Ecuador to Spain in 2002. He desired a better economic situation, and he chose Seville to pursue it because his mother had already established residence in the city. He was unable to find work comparable to his position as a photographer’s assistant in Ecuador. After trying numerous avenues, he found work as a waiter in a bar. He noted some xenophobia from older people, but spoke positively of the new (2004/5) labor law which has allowed him and others to legalize their status. He described friends who worked in agriculture as having very difficult working conditions and mentioned that he and other workers--who needed their employers to authorize their residence and work permit--were often required to do much more work than the job description announced.
  5. Irene Sánchez (single, approximately thirty years old) from Quito, Ecuador, came to Spain in late 2004. Her intentions were to work or study, and she, unlike the other participants, expressed a desire to return to her country of origin within the next two years. She wanted to work and obtain enough money to finance her own business or earn a master's degree from a Spanish university in order to be more easily hired by a large company in Ecuador. She was able to find work in domestic service through a friend in domestic service. She said she and other immigrants often found work Spaniards did not want to do. Over the course of her seven months in Spain, she had taken a class to become a waitress on the weekends, cared for a child on weekday afternoons, and worked as a hotel maid on weekday mornings. This work was not on the same level as the credit loaning/bank work she had in Ecuador, yet she described the pay as better. She recounted receiving some unwelcoming looks, but overall described the Spanish people as friendly.
  6. John Lennon (single, approximately thirty years old, false name chosen by subject) moved from Quito, Ecuador, in July of 2001. He came mainly to experience a change in culture, for he had steady and quality work in Ecuador as a cable TV technician. He lived in Madrid for a short time and eventually chose Seville as his final destination because his sister lived in the city. He observed less racism in Seville than in Madrid, yet he experienced harsh working situations in both locations. He was employed in various types of jobs, from grape and olive picker to six-days-a-week caterer to plumber to waiter in a bar. Mr. Lennon preferred the outdoor agricultural work, which he described as “difficult but not impossible,” to the work in bars or catering because the hours were shorter. He related a recent experience in which he failed to “besar el culo del jefe” (kiss the ‘behind’ of the boss), was treated “como un perro” (like a dog) and was fired. He planned to contact a labor union in the area in order to file a complaint and receive compensation for mistreatment. An important aspect of Mr. Lennon’s confidence with regard to the labor dispute was his acquisition of legal status during the legalization period. He described a definite change in his working conditions after obtaining “papers.” On the whole, however, he respected the people of Spain.
  7. Nadia Barrio Westingfield (single, approximately forty-five years old) immigrated from Guayaquil, Ecuador, in the year 2000. She left the country after a severe economic crisis there in 1999, in which many businesses closed and capital flowed out of the area. She noted her initial desire to travel to the United States to work and stated that essentially all emigrating people first sought visas to the USA. She was unsuccessful and then chose Spain due to its relaxed immigration laws and because a friend lived in Seville. Ms. Barrio Westingfield estimated that 80% of immigrant women worked in domestic service and the vast majority of men in construction and agriculture; she described her work in the office of a non-governmental labor syndicate as very good. She emphasized the power and control held by the employer over undocumented workers. Ms. Barrio Westingfield had a hard time finding her job; and it was offered to her only after she had volunteered with the organization for a year. She decried what she perceived as a flood of immigrants who at times did not accept a different culture. She felt it necessary that immigrants adapt to their host country for a better living experience for all.
  8. Carlos Hernández (single, approximately twenty years old) emigrated from Caracas, Venezuela, in 2002 for a general change, and especially for more “seguridad” (security/safety) due to danger on the streets of Caracas. He came with his mother and brother and had few complaints about Spain or Seville in particular. He appreciated the fact that his mother found steady work and he a safe environment. He noted some slight harassment directed his way based on his ethnicity, but he judged it a minimal problem.
  9. Manuel Guerrero (single, approximately twenty years old) also came from Caracas, Venezuela, more recently than Mr. Hernández, in 2004. His mother’s boyfriend lived in Seville, which attracted them to the city. With feelings even stronger than those of Ms. Barrio Westingfield, he advocated closing the borders to further immigration and legalizing those already within the country. He worked in a restaurant and appreciated the safe environment in Spain compared to his previous home. He noted some racism but did not regard it as a major problem.
  10. Claudia Guerrero (single with steady boyfriend, approximately forty-five years old), the mother of Manuel Guerrero and also from Venezuela, moved to Spain in July of 2004, initially to the Canary Islands, then to Seville. She found domestic work caring for children and experienced little racism—less than during her stay in the United States. She enjoys the Spanish way of life and described the average Spaniard as having a generally positive attitude toward immigration. She called Spain a “country of opportunity,” but added that housing was expensive.

INTERVIEW ANALYSIS

Many of the interview responses relate to each other, to comparable studies published in academic journals, and to articles from the Diario de Sevilla. An article from this newspaper released the results of a poll stating that 70% of immigrants feel “at home” in Spain ("El 70%"). This study corroborates that survey, with the majority of participants expressing positive feelings toward the host country and a desire to remain in Spain. It should be noted that this study’s subjects might not be entirely representative of Spanish-American immigrants in Seville. They were contacted through non-governmental organizations whose mission is to ease the adjustment process; perhaps the fact that they have availed themselves of such services denotes a more positive approach to immigration. Also, they were willing and able to speak with an American student for a half hour without any financial compensation. Other research, however, leads this author to trust the veracity of his conclusions. In a report by the Spanish union Comisiones Obreras (Labor Commission, CCOO ) about domestic service employees in Seville, one subject described her experience thus: “Gracias a Dios me tratan bien, cuido a sus niños, me ayudó a arreglar mis papeles y también a traer a mi hermana” (Thank God they treat me well, I care for their children, they helped me to arrange my papers and also to bring my sister [to Spain]) (Jiménez Gálvez 32). A paper published by two Spanish university professors in the journal Cuadernos Americanos asserts, “(L)os españoles ven a los iberoamericanos como hermanos suyos” (the Spanish see the Spanish-Americans as their brothers) (Aldrey Vázquez and Verdugo Matés 167). And just as this study does not claim to represent the opinions of all Spanish-American immigrants to Seville, clearly not all immigrants in the previous studies recounted fully positive experiences.

With regard to employment, even though all interview subjects were reluctant to complain extensively about their work situations, either with regard to discrimination in finding a job or mistreatment while working, a common thread among many responses was the necessity of working long hours and/or under difficult conditions. Both Mr. Alcalde, the waiter who found a steady job, and Mr. Lennon, who had several types of employment over three years, related tales of long hours and strenuous conditions with little recourse to file proper grievances for workplace violations. A Diario de Sevilla editorial raises the question of the morality of this situation. An online job offer is described as exhibiting “una dramática desigualdad entre oferta y demanda: quien ofrece posee todas las ventajas y quien demanda padece casi todos los inconvenientes” (a dramatic inequality between offer and application: He who offers possesses all the advantages and he who applies seems to have almost all the inconveniences) (Godoy). The author describes, just as those interviewed for this study did, extra hours worked, failure of the employer to honor the contract, and less than adequate pay for the tasks completed. In the CCOO report, one subject described her work environment as, “Mucha explotación, muchas horas” (Much exploitation, many hours) (Jiménez Gálvez 32). Yet, in spite of the difficult conditions, a strong work ethic was both exhibited and valued highly by participants in this study. A case study about Peruvian immigrants in Madrid includes similar feelings expressed by an interview subject who traveled from South America to the Spanish capital: “A mí me da igual que sea peruano, que sea lo que sea, pero lo importante es que sea trabajador…” (To me it is the same whether someone is Peruvian. Whatever a person may be, the important thing is that he works hard) (Merino Hernando 753).

CONCLUSIONS

This study outlines official Spanish immigration policy from 1999-2005 and reports on the living conditions of some immigrants directly affected. The policy over that period was inconsistent yet on the whole effective in contributing to the satisfaction of the need for labor in the Spanish market and to the declining growth rate of the Spanish population. The latter conclusion is clearly supported by the change in the natural increase rate of the Spanish population per 1,000 inhabitants. The rate stood at 0.12 in 1998, in the year preceding the alteration of immigration policy, and it has risen each year since then to a 2004 provisional estimate of 1.93. While one cannot attribute the growth solely to an improved immigration policy, at least some of the augmentation has been due to an influx from Latin American nations. Over 100,000 people have traveled from those nations to Spain in every year since 2000.

The second half of this paper presents a case study of the cultural and economic adaptation of immigrants from Spanish America to a major city in Spain, Seville. Some immigrants have been exploited on the job, being forced to work long hours for little pay under difficult conditions. However, the ten subjects interviewed here share the views of those in other studies: on the whole, moving to Spain has been a positive experience. The individuals have been able to earn more money in a safer environment, while not encountering significant racism or second-class treatment.

APPENDICES

Appendix A


Immigrations from abroad classified by country of origin. Foreigners. Decade 1995-2004.
Country of Origin 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
TOTAL 19,539 16,686 35,616 57,195 99,122 330,881 394,048 443,085 429,524 645,844
Europe 6,456 6.004 15,921 25,735 40,327 85,994 112,619 154,589 165,037 234,218
Germany 1,207 1,316 4,141 7,233 9,500 10,546 10,912 11,348 11,114 11,789
Andorra 28 20 38 64 59 102 108 109 152 231
Belgium 245 276 935 1,327 1,856 2,262 2,340 2,254 2,199 2,346
Bulgaria 66 69 102 241 658 6,493 11,761 15,842 13,648 17,898
France 804 726 1,903 2,663 3,426 4,285 4,928 5,464 5,994 8,023
Italy 505 497 1,169 1,652 2,073 2,924 3,800 4,579 5,366 6,637
Netherlands 364 288 766 1,061 1,682 2,162 2,390 2,847 3,045 3,883
Portugal 681 488 916 1,364 2,015 2,968 3,080 3,634 5,050 8,000
Poland 131 109 239 435 810 3,815 3,632 3,838 3,456 6,118
United Kingdom 1,129 1,077 2,653 4,514 7,832 11,007 16,233 25,632 32,148 44,315
Romania 94 93 168 503 1,773 17,435 23,276 48,292 54,998 49,487
Russia 121 92 300 563 1,132 3,544 4,729 4,509 4,578 5,766
Sweden 141 94 316 525 1,248 1,400 1,651 1,626 1,431 1,461
Switzerland 217 174 604 740 945 1,233 1,153 1,159 1,130 1,303
Ukraine 22 35 62 184 582 6,271 10,857 10,799 9,065 10,277
Other Countries 701 650 1,609 2,666 4,636 9,547 11,769 12,657 11,663 56,684
Africa 5,027 4,672 8,389 13,118 20,248 54,241 55,797 55,156 58,807 89,991
Algeria 329 294 335 652 1,174 3,893 5,172 3,821 3,443 4,634
Equatorial Guinea 168 135 175 331 683 1,676 1,118 930 1,265 1,204
Morocco 3,857 3,659 6,899 10,534 14,843 38,178 39,256 39,930 40,865 58,839
Nigeria 43 30 72 172 893 2,568 2,636 2,453 3,061 4,387
Senegal 160 121 190 290 486 1,827 1,914 2,015 2,821 5,761
Other Countries 470 433 718 1,139 2,169 6,099 5,701 6,007 7,352 15,166
Asia 1,722 1,280 1,945 2,549 3,587 10,127 11,041 11,559 13,915 25,618
China 657 490 764 1,012 1,622 4,745 5,146 5,606 7,293 14,400
Philippines 454 276 318 385 483 1,092 1,177 1,201 1,134 1,060
India 164 120 205 233 285 635 819 862 1,272 2,337
Japan 72 40 83 132 182 246 245 276 346 383
Pakistan 76 119 158 272 350 1,642 1,784 1,758 1,703 4,317
Other Countries 299 235 417 515 665 1,767 1,870 1,856 2,167 3,121
America 6,304 4,706 9,323 15,724 34,863 180,316 214,349 221,580 191,577 170,055
Argentina 610 392 892 1,291 2,163 7,401 18,086 40,628 24,759 23,237
Bolivia 81 46 79 147 500 3,318 4,835 10,562 18,119 35,339
Brazil 348 279 629 879 1,598 4,113 4,283 4,582 7,349 13,017
Canada 23 35 66 99 141 185 250 297 293 372
Colombia 487 365 955 2,298 7,451 45,868 71,014 34,042 10,888 16,610
Cuba 702 584 1,396 1,887 3,094 5,284 5,039 4,886 3,903 4,692
Chile 218 153 318 445 744 2,213 3,034 3,933 4,364 5,696
Ecuador 189 225 579 1,954 8,973 91,120 82,571 88,732 72,581 11,936
United States 306 234 448 658 1,077 1,502 1,805 2,353 2,561 3,017
Mexico 155 106 259 350 658 1,412 1,798 2,782 2,699 3,268
Peru 1,423 1,034 1,207 2,054 2,898 5,893 7,057 7,884 13,310 12,968
Dominican Republic 1,208 763 1,349 2,145 2,868 5,552 5,383 5,458 6,558 8,167
Uruguay 148 104 202 221 399 1,350 3,062 7,002 9,266 9,845
Venezuela 236 246 666 921 1,618 3,587 4,257 5,789 10,401 10,208
Other Countries 170 140 278 375 681 1,518 1,875 2,650 4,526 11,683
Oceania 30 24 38 69 97 203 242 201 188 270
Australia 20 22 34 55 68 106 141 142 132 180
Other Countries 10 2 4 14 29 97 101 59 56 90
Unknown country 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 125,692


Appendix B


Immigrations from abroad classified by destination AC. Foreigners. Decade 1995-2004.
Autonomous Community of destination 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
Total 19,539 16,686 35,616 57,195 99,122 330,881 394,048 443,085 429,524 645,844
Andalucía 1,711 1,178 4,014 6,689 12,149 29,022 35,989 50,097 53,256 89,377
Aragón 86 36 168 318 600 3,540 4,801 5,739 5,827 17,758
Asturias (Princip. de) 193 108 305 708 939 3,185 3,848 4,512 4,149 4,590
Baleares (Islas) 610 681 984 2,929 3,513 5,326 7,712 9,963 11,280 22,065
Canarias 1,425 1,915 5,404 7,229 10,553 20,826 23,581 24,734 24,354 32,247
Cantabria 129 86 81 162 259 1,050 1,538 1,430 1,804 4,228
Castilla - La Mancha 286 215 765 1,071 1,842 10,620 13,714 15,471 14,603 4,507
Castilla y León 220 120 376 622 1,333 5,147 9,254 10,242 9,225 18,691
Cataluña 4,975 4,564 8,288 12,662 13,296 30,543 43,499 56,747 55,576 149,705
Comunidad Valenciana 1,801 1,631 4,331 8,089 18,032 50,679 75,915 80,110 76,214 98,739
Extremadura 148 102 376 1,024 1,436 1,659 1,675 2,167 2,656 4,651
Galicia 357 221 880 1,371 2,407 5,880 7,428 9,751 9,422 12,594
Madrid (Comunidad de) 5,948 4,199 6,863 10,471 25,058 131,559 131,118 135,065 121,296 112,639
Murcia (Región de) 498 726 1,182 1,724 3,164 20,013 18,794 21,634 23,678 27,071
Navarra(Com.Foral de) 474 349 333 281 539 1,488 1,036 1,026 1,401 6,432
País Vasco 612 491 1,089 1,462 2,956 6,310 9,179 9,453 10,052 13,808
Rioja (La) 61 59 154 373 992 4,017 4,964 4,934 4,679 6,103
Ceuta 1 1 14 6 13 10 3 3 5 223
Melilla 4 4 9 4 41 7 0 7 47 416


Appendix C

Bucky Wharton
4/19/05

Preguntas de investigación

Buenos días. Me llamo Bucky Wharton y soy un estudiante de la Universidad de Florida en los EEUU. Tengo un proyecto de investigación sobre la inmigración latinoamericana en España, y sobre todo, en Sevilla. El propósito de mi investigación es saber un poco de lo que ha motivado a la gente a inmigrar aquí, como se está adaptando, qué opinión tiene del país, y de Sevilla en particular. Espero que Ud. tenga a bien participar en mi estudio, contestando algunas preguntas sobre el tema. No le va a llevar más de veinte minutos, a no ser que quiera alargar sobre algún tema.

Me gustaría grabar sus respuestas, si está bien con Ud.; así no me equivocaré a la hora de escribir mi informe para la profesora que me dirige esta investigación. Ella se llama Dr. Geraldine Nichols, y Ud. puede mandar un mensaje a ella a la dirección de correo electrónico nichols@rll.ufl.edu. También, Ud. puede llamarme por teléfono al número 95-457-21-48, y mi dirección de e-mail es cwharton@ufl.edu. Si decidiera publicar los resultados de este estudio, los entrevistados serían anónimos, identificados quizás como "un ecuatoriano de unos 40 años" o algo así. Quiero aclarar que no soy empleado de ninguna organización ni gobierno. No hay beneficios directos a participar en esta investigación, ni indemnización monetaria, ni riesgo de ningún tipo. Desde luego, si hay alguna pregunta que prefiera no contestar, puede decírmelo y no contestarla. Si tiene preguntas sobre sus derechos como participante en este trabajo, Ud. puede ponerse en contacto con la administración de la Universidad de Florida a PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL,USA 32351. Si está conforme, podemos comenzar.

  1. ¿De dónde es Ud.?
  2. ¿Cuándo llegó Ud. a España?
  3. ¿Por qué vino a España?
  4. ¿Está aquí con algunos familiares?
    1. ¿Por qué vinieron ellos con Ud.?
  5. ¿Cómo le llamó la atención Sevilla; por qué decidió venir precisamente a ella?
  6. ¿Qué es lo que le gusta más de Sevilla o de los sevillanos?
  7. ¿Qué es lo que menos le gusta?
  8. ¿Tuvo dificultades en encontrar empleo?
  9. ¿Cómo se gana la vida aquí?
  10. ¿Se pudo emplear en el mismo nivel o el mismo oficio que en su país de origen?
  11. Ud. que lleva __ años aquí, ¿ha experimentado algún rechazo por ser extranjero?
  12. ¿Cómo calificaría la actitud del español promedio hacia la inmigración?
  13. ¿Tiene algún comentario más sobre España y su situación, o me puede sugerir otra pregunta para mis entrevistas?

 

Appendix D

Bucky Wharton
4/19/05

Hello. My name is Bucky Wharton and I am a student at the University of Florida in the United States. I am doing a research project about Latin American immigration to Spain, and above all, to the city of Seville. The proposition of my research project is to know some about what has motivated people to immigrate here, how they are adapting, and what opinion they have of the county, the city of Seville in particular. I hope you would like to participate in my study, answering some questions about the theme. The interview will not last longer than twenty minutes, unless you would like to elaborate on any themes.

I would like to record your answers, if that is acceptable for you; this way I will not be mistaken about information when it is time to write the paper for the teacher with whom I work. Her name is Dr. Geraldine Nichols, and can send her an e-mail message at the address nichols@rll.ufl.edu. Also, you can call me at the telephone number 95-457-21-48 and my e-mail address is cwharton@ufl.edu. If I decide to publish the results of this study, the names of individuals interviewed will be anonymous, identified in the fashion: “a person from Ecuador, 40 years old,” or something similar. I would like to clarify that I am not an employee of any organization or government. There are no direct benefits for participating in this investigation, nor monetary compensation, nor risk of any kind. At any time, if there is a question you would not like to answer, you can notify me and not answer it. If you have questions about your rights as a participant in this study, you my contact the administration of the University of Florida at PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL, USA 32351. If this is acceptable, we can begin.

  1. Where are you from?
  2. When did you come to Spain?
  3. Why did you come to Spain?
  4. Are you here with any relatives?
    1. Why did they come with you?
  5. What drew your attention about Seville; why did you decide to come here specifically?
  6. What do you like most about Seville and its people?
  7. What do you like the least?
  8. Has it been difficult to find work?
  9. What do you do for a living?
  10. Were you able to find employment of the same level or job as in your country of origin?
  11. You, who have been here for ___ years, have you experienced any rejection for being an immigrant?
  12. How would you describe the attitude of the average Spainiard toward immigration?
  13. Do the Spanish treat uniquely those who come from Latin America and those who come from Morocco and other African countries?
    1. How old were your children when they arrived?
    2. Do your children miss their friends from their country of origin? Have they made many friends here?
  14. Do you have anything else you would like to say about Spain and your situation, or can you suggest to me any other questions for my interviews?

REFERENCES

  1. Birth Rate (or crude birth rate): The number of live births per 1,000 population in a given year (Population Reference Bureau). Death Rate (or crude death rate): The number of deaths per 1,000 population in a given year (PRB). Natural Increase (or Decrease): The surplus (or deficit) of births over deaths in a population in a given time period (PRB). Back
  2. Detailed information regarding the natural increase rates in Spain from the years 1975-2004 can be consulted by clicking on series data at the website: http://www.ine.es/inebase/cgi/um?M=%2Ft20%2Fp318%2F&O=inebase&N=&L=1 (3) Back
  3. Specific and complete 2004 data can be found and dissected at the interactive link (11) Back

REFERENCES

  1. Aldrey Vázquez, José Antonio, and Rosa María Verdugo Matés. “Iberoamericanización de la inmigración española a comimenzos del siglo XXI. ” Cuadernos Americanos 4.106 (2004): 149-168.
  2. Campos, Abigail. “Los hijos de inmigrantes podrán legalizarse tras 2 años en España.” Diario de Sevilla 8 June 2005: 42.
  3. De la Hera, José María. “Una de cada diez mujeres que dan a luz en Andalucía es inmigrante.” Diario de Sevilla 24 May 2005: 46.
  4. “El 70% de extranjeros se siente ‘en casa’.” Diario de Sevilla 4 June 2005: 43.
  5. “Glossary of Population Terms.” Taken from the Population Reference Bureau’s Population Handbook (4th International Edition, 1998). 22 August 2005. <http://www.prb.org/Content/NavigationMenu/PRB/PRB_Library/Glossary2/Glossary.htm>.
  6. Godoy, Pope. “Empleo vergonzante.” Diario de Sevilla 13 June 2005: 5.
    “Indicadores Demográficos Básicos.” Analisis y estudios demográficos. 22 August 2005. <http://www.ine.es/inebase/cgi/um?M=%2Ft20%2Fp318%2F&O=inebase&N=& L=1>.
  7. “Immigration Crackdown Sparks Protests.” CNN/Reuters. 22 August 2005. <http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/01/23/spain.immigration/index.html >.
  8. “Inmigraciones de extranjeros procedentes del extranjero por país de procedencia y provincia de destino.” Estadística de variaciones residenciales 2004. 22 August 2005. <http://www.ine.es/inebase/cgi/axi?AXIS_PATH=/inebase/temas/t20/p307/ a2004/l0/&FILE_AXIS=0206112.px&CGI_DEFAULT=/inebase/temas/cgi.opt& COMANDO=SELECCION&CGI_URL=/inebase/cgi/>.
  9. Jiménez Gálvez, José Antonio. Relaciones entre trabajadoras/es inmigrantes y autóctonos/as en el sector del servicio doméstico en Sevilla. Análisis del discurso. Seville: CCOO, 2003.
  10. Merino Hernando, Asunción. “Relaciones entre gente, cultura y lugar en el fenómeno migratorio contemporáneo: Los peruanos en España.” Revista de Indias. 63.229 (September-December 2003): 737-756.
  11. Ortega Pérez, Nieves. “Spain: Forging an Immigration Policy.” Migration Information Source 2003. 22 August 2005. <http://www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=97>.
  12. “Spain Launches Immigrant Amnesty.” 22 August 2005.<http://news.bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/europe/4242411.stm>.
  13. “Spain Map.” 22 August 2005. <http://www.pisosmarbella.com/spanish- coast/images/spain-map-fly.gif>.

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