June Drake

Journal of Undergraduate Research
Volume 6, Issue 5 - January 2005

An Ethnographic Survey of Death Perceptions in the Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico

ABSTRACT

Death perceptions in the Yucatán Peninsula of México have a rich history and a flourishing present. The original inhabitants of this region, the Maya, had a culture of caring for the dead that defined many indigenous beliefs. When the Conquistadores arrived in Yucatán, the Mayan beliefs and practices became masked by Spanish Catholic ideology. The people of Yucatán today represent this blend of Spanish and Mayan culture. This syncretism can be viewed in modern mortuary practices, cemetery structure, and celebrations of death such as Los Días de Los Muertos.

Each morning, as the sun rises over the Yucatán Peninsula of México, its cemeteries reflect a rich cultural history of death perceptions and ritual. Origins of this tradition can be attributed to ancient Mayan beliefs and practices. Since the era of Spanish conquest, Spanish culture and the Roman Catholic faith have transformed ancient Mayan practices. Post-conquest days have yielded a syncretism, a mixture of Mayan culture with that of the Spanish. The combination of these two belief systems alongside environmental constraints has created a distinct Yucatecan manner of caring for the dead.

HISTORY OF THE DEAD IN THE YUCATÁN

The prehispanic Maya had a distinct way of referring to the dead. Considerable evidence exists for the belief in souls, the transmission of names, and the reincarnation of ancestral personae into newborns, while the maintenance of property rights was also a strong aspect of Mayan death culture (Gillespie 2002:68). As Gillespie states, the Maya religion was even believed to be based on a “cult of the dead” due to the placement of the dead (Gillespie 2002:68). The fact that many Early Middle Pre-Classic graves contain skeletal remains of both sexes and all age groups further supports that entire families or Mayan houses were buried together (Coe 1988). The role of the dead was thought to be strong enough to influence social and economic activities (Gillespie 2002:69).

Historical and archaeological evidence suggest that the concept of the soul is deeply integrated into the significance of physical remains. These concepts are suggested by the fact that a sympathetic relationship was maintained after death (Gillespie 2002:71). The remains of the dead, particularly lords, were often treated in a manner that allowed for ancestor veneration and further display of the living soul. This practice often occurred in the shrine where processed bones were housed. Incense and other offerings were known to be associated with the celebration of the soul at shrines (Gillespie 2002:70). These shrines and sites were occupied over many generations, further indicating the linking of the dead with the living. This helped to maintain the status of a family and the reincarnation of souls throughout generations (Gillespie 2002:72).

With the advent of the Spanish conquest of Yucatán, many religious precepts from the Roman Catholic Church were integrated into death ritual and concepts. Belief in a supreme God, the Virgin Mary, Jesus and the saints changed Mayan consciousness (Redfield 1941:92). In addition, Catholic prayers such as the novena became a large part of the culture’s ritual. They were recited with the death of the loved ones and at other important times of prayer. Religious worship and ritual of the Maya had been dramatically changed with the introduction of Catholicism.

Still, Mayan cultural practices did not dissipate entirely; rather, wearing a Catholic mask, the Mayan practices evolved. This can be seen in the syncretism of the two cultures in recent death ritual practices. In the case of the village of Yalcobá, mortuary practice reflects both influences. For example, when a village person was asked what happens to the soul after death, an initial response would be something to the effect of “Only God knows,” reflecting Christian ideology (Sosa 1995:276). To that idea, this response might be added: “Humans are composed of two spirit identities, the ‘soul’ and the ‘bad spirit.’” These two spirit identities are clearly part of Mayan ideology.

DEATH AND ITS FUNCTION IN MODERN YUCATECAN LIFE

During the summer and fall of 2003, I conducted ethnographic work to investigate the culture behind death in the Yucatan. Through studies of several cemeteries and interviews with locals, I encountered a strong sense of syncretism. My first interview with the cemetery keeper of Cementerio General de Chuburna, known only as Pedro, indicated that all loved ones are brought to the cemetery after Catholic funerary services. According to Pedro, “After the mass, the family comes to the cemetery with flowers and prays. Then they seal off the tomb” (Drake N.d.). The burial of the individual is then followed by eight days of continuous Catholic prayer at the tomb. These nine days in total constitute a novena, an important concept in Catholicism. In other interviews and observations, I encountered cemetery rituals that were more consistent with Mayan practice. One such practice was the removal of bones from the tomb after two to five years. This practice resembles that of the ancient Maya in that the family respects the soul of the deceased in caring for the remains (Drake N.d.). Another strikingly Mayan practice was the placement of individual remains or remains from entire families in casitas. Casitas, or little houses, are a style of tomb common to this region. Once bones are cleaned after two to five years of decomposition, they are placed in boxes, which are then placed inside the casita. When financially feasible, remains of entire families are placed in large casitas. The use of casitas in Yucatan today appears to be the modern form of the Mayan houses. These allow for family to stay in one centralized unit and thus connect the souls of all generations and venerate the name of the family.

At the rural cemetery of Hoctun, located near the city of Izamal, I interviewed an elderly woman who was one of the cemetery keepers (Drake, N.d.). Her perspective appeared to contrast slightly with that of other areas in Yucatán. She stated that five to six years would pass in order for bones to be exhumed and cleaned before being placed in casitas. As in other regions, the people of Hoctun bring food to funerals, but do not bring meat because it is considered connected to the body. A unique feature of this cemetery was the high concentration of Protestant (as opposed to Catholic) graves. This was easily detected with the differentiating styles of decoration on the casitas. Here, many of the tombs had a colorful floral pattern instead of the predominant images of the Virgin Mary and Jesus found in other locations. While there was a decreased presence of Catholic followers in this cemetery, forms of syncretism were still present. In this case, a blending of Protestant and Mayan beliefs permeated the cemetery. In fact, the Maya presence was strong and visible in the casita architecture. Here many people of Mayan decent had figurines of Mayan homes and little “Chichen Itzas” on top of the tomb.

In addition to the presence of Mayan and Protestant cultural elements, socioeconomic status of the deceased was clearly delineated at this site. According to the cemetery keeper, the style of the casita indicates family wealth. Some mausoleos and casitas were elaborately designed. On the other hand, the cemetery keeper pointed out that there were not specific places of burial within the cemetery for people of higher social class. Another interesting feature of this cemetery was the differentiation by manner of death. This was particularly clear in the fact that those who committed suicide were buried at the far side of the cemetery, isolated from the rest of the deceased.

Upon visiting the large urban General Cemetery of Campeche, in the Mexican state of Campeche, I noted striking differences from cemeteries I had visited in the state of Yucatán. In Campeche the presence of Mayan culture seemed diminished and a Catholic or international presence was much stronger. Crosses and images of the Virgin Mary were found on many of the tombs. The diversity of the community was reflected on the tombs with last names such as the Irish MacGregor and the Chinese Lin. Casitas were few, whereas tombs, crypts, and mausoleums more prevalent. The tombs had a stronger sense of permanency, as many were covered with large granite stones. They appeared to be completely sealed off. In this cemetery, the traditional casita was replaced with walls of small tombs. Overall, this cemetery, in comparison those previously mentioned, has decreased access to skeletal remains. This difference in rural and urban cemeteries may also reflect social class of the deceased and family’s financial ability to maintain the tombs. However, several cemetery keepers claimed that elaborate tombs do not necessarily indicate wealth of the deceased or family (Drake, N.d.).

In an interview with the cemetery keeper Agustin Moo Rosado, I learned that families always take the bones out of the tomb after three years, even if the tomb looks permanently sealed. The tomb is cleaned and prayers for the deceased are offered. Here, the people follow the same pattern as in Yucatán when dealing with the dead. The family comes to visit after three days of burial, then eight, then after a month, and finally every year. This annual day of visitation usually occurs during the Day of the Dead, a very important holiday for all people of Mexico.

Cementerio General de Mérida is very large cemetery located in the capital of Yucatán. As the oldest cemetery in Mérida, the variety of burial practices and death culture is vast and expands across many years and cultures. This cemetery has a special characteristic in that is was built on top of Mayan sacred grounds. At the far end of the cemetery, one can observe remnants of older structures. This location suggests an influential syncretism of Catholic and Mayan cultures. This large urban cemetery contains elements of both cultures, casitas of the Mayan culture (Chichen Itzas) and iconography of Virgin Mary representative of Catholicism. Cementerio General de Mérida differentiates itself from many other cemeteries in the area in that cultural, religious, and personal affiliations are apparent in the structure of the cemetery. The administrator of Cementerio General de Mérida, Pedro Antonio Herrera Chan, informed me that colonias, or the villages of the cemetery, range from Turkish families to police unions. Many of these colonias organize multiple burials into mausoleums.

Xoclan is the largest cemetery in the state of Yucatán. The religious, cultural, and architectural diversity is as prevalent as that found at Cementerio General de Mérida. Here, I learned that this cemetery provides services that many other cemeteries lacked. One of the most fascinating is the designated area for fosas comunes or unidentified persons. Xoclan is the only cemetery that offers tombs to bury missing persons. The remains of unidentified persons are treated the same as others. They are buried and exhumed after two to three years of decomposition. Exhumed remains are placed in a communal tomb with the many other unidentified remains. Muz Romoaldo Novelo Lopez, Administrator of Xoclan, also informed me of the use of velorios (salas de velacion) or rooms of prayer and mourning. It is here that family members can remain with their loved one and pray until the time of burial. These rooms are designed to aid in the prayer tradition of the deceased. In addition, Xoclan is the only site where an autopsy or a cremation is conducted in Yucatán, suggesting an extensive blending of cultures.

DIAS DE LOS MUERTOS: CELEBRATION OF THE DEAD

From October 31st to November 2nd, I returned to Mérida and conducted research on the most important celebration of death during the year, Días de Los Muertos, or Days of the Dead. The Days of the Dead is another example of the syncretism that exists in Yucatecan death practice; it is a combination of the Mayan Hanal Pixan and the Catholic All Souls and All Saints Days.

On November 1st, Día de Los Adultos, or Day of the Adults, I returned to Xoclan. There, the cultural investment of each family in the Days of the Dead is apparent. People were cleaning and painting graves, planting flowers and praying. Two middle aged women by the names of Addi Noemi and Marcia Mayme told me about local customs. The two were visiting their mother’s and aunt’s graves. They generously explained to me important aspects of the days of the dead. One is the construction of home altars. In many homes families set up a table with a picture of the deceased and set food and drinks that the person enjoyed. The altar is left in the home until the conclusion of Los Días de Los Muertos. For some, this custom is also done at the grave. Many people cook chicken, bring flowers and other foods that the person enjoyed in life. Many prayers are said including the rosary to commemorate the life and death of the individual.

For El Día de Todos Los Santos, or All Saints Day (November 2nd), I traveled from La Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán to the rural cemetery of Pomuch, Campeche. There, I observed the dichotomy between rural and urban cemeteries. This village had particular customs for the Days of the Dead that would not be seen outside of this community. Before the days of the dead, the community meets on October 25th to prepare and paint tombs. The cleaning of bones by the family is done at this time every year. The bones are then put in a wooden box inside of the casita and left open during the Days of the Dead. The bones are arranged in a particular way so that the cranium and mandible are seen, but the long bones and ribs are hidden. Many boxes are draped with a tela or a white cloth embroidered with a particular design or prayer for the individual. The community works as a whole to care for all of the deceased. Even the fosas comunes of the area are cared for by the public. All casitas during these days have candles and flowers. Intensive singing and praying was heard everywhere.

As the sun sets over the Yucatán, the present cultural components of the cemeteries are a gateway to potential death practices of the future, with equally strong cultural practices of ancient Maya and Spanish Catholicism. However, with the increasing interconnectedness of our world, new ideologies are bound to influence the current beliefs and practices.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was made possible through the help of University Scholars Program and the Department of Anthropology. I would like thank my faculty mentor Dr. Michael Warren and Department of Anthropology Chair Dr. Allan Burns for being invaluable resources throughout the research. In addition, José Alejandro Barrera Ruiz, Gabriel Davila, Alicia Peón, Christopher Göetz, Dra. Vera Tiesler and Dr. Andrea Cucina were extremely helpful while conducting ethnographies in the Yucatán. Many thanks to you all!

REFERENCES

Drake, June A. N.d. Cemetery structure and culture of the Yucatan. Unpublished MS, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida.
Gillespie, Susan D. 2002 Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association. Body and Soul among the Maya. 11(4):67-78.
Redfield, Robert. 1941 The Folk Culture of Yucatan. Chicago, Ill: The University of Chicago Press.
Sosa, John R. 1985 The Maya sky, the Maya world: a symbolic analysis of Maya cosmology. Ann Arbor, Mich: University Microfilms International.

--top--

Back to the Journal of Undergraduate Research