Journal of Undergraduate Research
Volume 4, Issue 9 - May 2003
Women and Men’s Fear of Gang Crime:
The Effects of Community Diversity, Disorder, and Decline
Jeanette Cardenas
ABSTRACT
Prior fear of crime research shows that women are consistently more afraid of crime than men are, even though they are less likely to be victims. Researchers have developed theoretical perspectives to explain fear among people who face less risk. This study examines the differential impacts of demographic factors and perceptions of community diversity, disorder, and decline on fear of gang crime among women and men. We use a 1997 data set in which 1000 Orange County, California residents answered questions about themselves, their perceptions of their community, and their perceived risk and fear of gang crimes. Ordinary least square regression analyses indicate that in the women’s sample no theoretical perspective was a significant predictor in the final model, and in the men’s sample only community decline was a significant predictor.
INTRODUCTION
Gang violence during the 1990’s was at the forefront of public
policy. This was in part fueled by the “persistence of both gang
activity nationwide and the violence associated with it” (O.J.J.D.P.,
p.2). The presence of about 24,500 youth gangs prompted Congress to
pass bills such as the 1994 Federal Crime Bill, making some gang related
crimes a federal offense (Lane & Meeker, 2000; O.J.J.D.P., 2002).
Gang crime and the national attention it has garnered throughout the
1990’s probably resulted in an increased incidence of public fear.
Prior fear of crime research shows that women are more afraid of crime
than men, even though they are less likely to become victims. Researchers
have turned to causes of fear other that crime risk to explain the aforementioned
recurrent findings (Ferraro, 1996; LaGrange & Ferraro, 1989; Lane
& Meeker, 2000; McGarrell, Giacomazzi, & Thurman, 1997; Ortega
& Myles, 1987; Perkins & Taylor, 1996). Studies indicate that
perceptions of community factors such as diversity, disorder, and decline
may explain fear among people who are not likely to be victimized.
Although gangs were a focus of crime policy during the 1990’s
there have been few studies on fear of gangs. Although many studies
have concluded that women are more afraid of crime than men despite
their lower victimization risk, only a few studies have examined the
causes of fear of crime separately for women and men. This study fills
the gap in the literature by (1) investigating women and men’s
fear of gang crime separately and (2) determining if the theoretical
perspectives, community diversity, disorder, and decline, affect women
and men differently.
Three theoretical perspectives have been developed to explain the differences
between actual victimization risk and fear of crime. The community diversity
perspective asserts that in communities lacking a strong community network,
people will be more afraid of unfamiliar persons who are racially, ethnically,
and /or culturally different. This fear is prompted by residents’
inability to interpret the mannerisms and behaviors of people who are
different (Lane & Meeker, 2000). The disorder perspective states
that both physical and social disorder, such as abandoned buildings,
trash, and graffiti, “represent not only a superficial negligence
of the community but also an underlying breakdown of both local norms
of behavior and formal and informal social controls.” (Perkins
& Taylor, 1996: pg. 66-67). This sensed breakdown makes residents
feel more at risk and more afraid (LaGrange, Ferraro, & Supancic,
1992; Lane & Meeker, 2000; Lane, 2002; Perkins & Taylor, 1996).
The community decline perspective ascribes fear of crime to concern
over community change; signs of disorder or other factors cause people
to believe that the community is not the way it used to be (Lane &
Meeker, 2000; Lane, 2002; McGarrell et al., 1997; Taylor & Covington,
1993).
Numerous studies have used risk measures and generalized results to
represent fear. These measures when used interchangeably yield inconsistent
results. In response to these inconsistencies recent studies have differentiated
between perceived risk and fear of crime (LaGrange et al., 1992; Ferraro
& LaGrange, 1987). This study used measures of both perceived risk
and fear of gang crime.
Prior studies have indicated that demographic factors are essential
in comprehending fear of crime, and thus must be included in analyses.
Some factors that prior studies have found to be relevant when studying
fear include: sex, age, race, homeownership, and prior victimization.
Studies have found age to be an important factor, with some studies
finding that younger people (LaGrange & Ferraro, 1989; Lane &
Meeker, 2000) are more afraid and some studies finding that older people
are more afraid (McGarrell et al., 1997). Most studies indicate that
minorities are more afraid of crime (Alba, Logan, & Bellair, 1994;
Parker, 2001). Most studies also indicate that renters and people who
live in higher crime and more socially disorganized areas are more afraid
(Alba et al., 1994; LaGrange et al., 1992). Findings regarding prior
victimization have had mixed results and only sometimes show prior victimization
as a predictor of fear (Ferraro, 1996; LaGrange et al., 1992).
Based on the literature we expected that women would be more afraid
than men, each of the theoretical perspectives would be significant
predictors, similarity to others would decrease fear, and perceived
risk would predict fear. We expected that younger people, minorities,
renters, and people in the Central district would be more afraid of
gang crime. We also expected that victimization would not have a significant
effect on fear.
METHODS
Participants
This paper uses data from a study done by Dr. Jodi Lane and Dr. James
Meeker from the University of California at Irvine. A random digit dial
(RDD) survey of 1000 Orange County residents was conducted in 1997.
The sample contained 500 women and 500 men. The current analysis uses
a subsample of the RDD group, including only respondents with complete
data on all variables used here (n=695). The subsample contained females
(48.6%), males (51.4%), and was mostly white (66%).
The dependent variable, fear of gang crime, is a composite index of
respondents’ mean fear scores on six specific gang crimes (see
Table 1). Fear scores for each crime were added together
and divided by six. The independent variables used include: demographic
characteristics, similarity to others, composite index measures for
each of the theoretical perspectives (community diversity, disorder,
and decline), and perceived risk of victimization for each gang crime.
Risk: I would like you to tell me how likely you think it is
that you will become a victim of the following crimes in the next
two or three years. It is not likely, somewhat likely, likely,
or very likely? (not likely = 1, very likely = 4) PERCEPTIONS OF DIVERSITY AND DISORDER DIVERSITY INDEX DISORDER INDEX
Theory driven stepwise ordinary least squares (OLS) regression equations
were performed to examine the effects of community diversity, disorder,
and decline on women and men’s fear of gang crime after controlling
for demographic factors and one’s perceived similarity to others.
In all models the first step included demographic variables, the second
step included perceived similarity to others, the third step included
composite index measures for each of the three theoretical perspectives,
and the fourth step included perceived risk of victimization for each
gang crime.
Table 2 presents the OLS regression equations, for
the total RDD sample, women, and men. For the total model, step 1, the
demographic variables explained most of the variance in fear (12%).
Only sex, race, and age remained significant in the final model. Females,
minorities, and younger people were more afraid of gang crime. Similarity
to others did not cause a significant change in the R2, but remained
significant in the final model. The three theoretical perspectives explained
4.6% of the variance in fear, but only one theoretical perspective,
community decline, remained a significant predictor in the final model.
Perceived risk explained 9.4% of variance in fear and was significant
in the final model. Perceived risk explained most of the variance in fear
(12.8%) and was significant in the final model. When comparing the three
models we see that age was a significant predictor for both the total
and women’s sample but not for the men’s sample. Race and
similarity to others were significant predictors for the total and men’s
sample but not for the women’s sample. Being a homeowner was a
significant predictor for women but not significant for either the total
or men’s sample. The community decline perspective was the only
theoretical perspective that was a significant predictor in the final
models, but was significant for only the total and men’s samples.
Perceived risk was a significant predictor in all three models.
The study’s primary research question asked if the theoretical
factors predicting fear were different for women and men. Contrary to
expectations and most prior studies two of the three perspectives (diversity
and disorder) were not significant in any model (LaGrange et al., 1992;
Lane, 2002; McGarrell et al., 1997). Decline was significant for the
total model and for men. Perceived risk was also an important predictor.
Similar to previous findings we found in the total model that women,
minorities, and younger people were more afraid. However, we found that
women who were homeowners and younger were more afraid while men who
were minorities were more afraid. Negative community change affects fear of gang crime
for at least men even after controlling for diversity and disorder.
Consequently focusing on code enforcement and community improvement
efforts may prevent unreasonable fears about gang crime. Alba, R.D., Logan, J.R., & Bellair, P.E. (1994).
Living with crime. Social Forces, 73(2), 395-434. Back to the Journal of Undergraduate
Research
Measures
The demographic characteristics are sex (female = 1, male = 0), age
(18-20 = 1, 75 and up = 8), race (white = 1, others = 0), homeownership
(homeowner = 1, renter = 0), personal victimization (yes = 1, no = 0)
and district of residence (lives in central district = 1, lives elsewhere
in county = 0). The central district, which has the most crime and disorder,
serves as a proxy for objective risk of victimization.
Similarity to others includes responses to the following question “How
would you describe the people who live in your community in terms of
such things as income, education, and lifestyle?” Answer options
ranged from “not at all like you = 1” to “very much
like you = 3”.
The three theoretical perspectives were operationalized by creating
composite index measures for each individual theoretical perspective
(see Table 1). Exploratory factor analyses, using varimax
rotation, were used to create the diversity and disorder indexes. The
decline index was created based on three questions measuring perceptions
of community change. To create the indexes, respondents’ scores
on the included variables were added together and divided by the respective
number of questions.
Perceived risk of victimization is a composite index of respondents’
mean perceived risk scores for six specific gang crimes (see Table
1). Scores for each crime were added together and divided by
six.
Table 1
Composite Indexes
FEAR OF CRIME AND PERCEIVED RISK
Fear: I would like you to tell me how personally afraid you are
of the following crimes. Are you not afraid, somewhat afraid, afraid,
or very afraid? (not afraid=1, very afraid=4)
• Home invasion robbery
• Drive by random gang related shooting
• Physical assault by a gang member
• Harassment by gang members
• Carjacking
We have a number of questions about your community as you define
it. I will read you a list of some things that currently might
be problems in your community. After I read each one, please tell
me whether you think it is a big problem, a small problem, or
no problem in your community (no problem = 1, big problem = 4).
• Language differences between residents
• Cultural differences between residents
• Racial differences between residents
• People moving in and out without personally becoming attached
to the community
• Poverty and economic hardship
• People or landlords allowing their property to become
run down
• Abandoned houses or empty buildings
• Gunfire
• Graffiti
• Gangs
• Youth hanging out
• Too many people living in one residence
PERCEPTION OF COMMUNITY CHANGE
DECLINE INDEX
(1 = better / more safe / decreased, 3= worse / less safe / increased)
• Community had become a better place to live, had gotten
worse, or stayed about the same
• Whether they felt more
or less safe or about the same in the community
• Whether
they believed gang violence had increased, remained the same, or
decreased.
Procedures
RESULTS
For the women’s model, demographic variables explained 6.4% of
the variance in fear. Only owner and age remained significant in the
final model. Homeowners and younger people were more afraid of gang
crime. Similarity to others did not cause a significant change in the
R2, and did not remain in the final model. The three theoretical perspectives
explained 4.2% of the variance in fear, and none of the theoretical
perspectives remained significant in the final model. Perceived risk
explained most of the variance in fear (8%) and remained significant
in the final model.
For the men’s model, demographic variables explained 7.9% of the
variance in fear. White was the only variable that remained significant
in the final model. Minorities reported the greatest fear of crime.
Similarity to others did not cause a significant change in the R2,
but remained significant in the final model. The three theoretical perspectives
explained 7.7% of the variance in fear, but only one theoretical perspective,
community decline, remained a significant predictor in the final model.
Table 2
Stepwise Linear Regression for Women and Men's Fear of Gang Crimes
STEP
1
b (SE)
Beta
b (SE)
Beta
b (SE)
Beta
Sex
0.497***
(0.067) 0.247
--
--
--
--
Age
-0.056*
(0.024)-0.085
-0.122**
(0.039) -0.178
-0.005
(0.029) -0.009
White
-0.235**
(0.077) -0.111
-0.065
(0.129) -0.028
-0.353***
(0.089) -0.197
Owner
0.127
(0.073) 0.062
0.290*
(0.121) 0.130
-0.002
(0.084)-0.001
Victim
-0.011
(0.083) -0.005
0.027
(0.137) 0.010
-0.041
(0.098) -0.020
Central District
-0.009
(0.088) -0.003
-0.003
(0.143) -0.001
0.023
(0.106)0.010
STEP 2
Similarity to others
0.136*
(0.059) 0.080
0.077
(0.098) 0.042
0.154*
(0.069) 0.107
STEP 3
Diversity
0.005
(0.057) 0.004
-0.146
(0.096) -0.110
0.130
(0.067) 0.115
Disorder
0.028
(0.059) 0.023
0.096
(0.102) 0.073
-0.010
(0.067) -0.009
Decline
0.224**
(0.077) 0.103
0.205
(0.125)0.089
0.252**
(0.091) 0.132
STEP 4
Gang Risk
0.534***
(0.057) .349
0.534***
(0.094) .333
0.533***
(0.068) .399
R2 Change, Step 1
0.120***
0.064***
0.079***
R2 Change, Step 2
0.001
0.000
0.001
R2 Change, Step 3
0.046***
0.042**
0.077***
R2 Change, Step 4
0.094***
0.080***
0.128***
Model R2
0.261
0.186
0.286
Model R2 Adj
0.249
0.191
0.265
Model F
21.899***
7.475***
13.843***
Model Df
11,
683
10,
327
10,
346
* p < 0.05 **
p < 0.01 *** p < 0.001
DISCUSSION
Unlike most studies we put all three theoretical perspectives in the
same statistical models. They may share variance and therefore may not
be significant predictors here when they would have been by themselves.
Some studies have connected theoretical models before (Lane & Meeker,
2000; Taylor & Covington, 1993).
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